Biography

William Godwin was born March 3, 1756. Though not wealthy, Godwin was able to educate himself and eventually became a professional writer. In his early years, he published mostly historical works, but by the 1790s, he had moved into the more controversial realm of politics. In this decade, Godwin published many ideological writings, including Political Justice and Caleb Williams. In the late 1797 he fell in love with Mary Wollstonecraft, and the two commenced an affair. When Wollstonecraft became pregnant, they were married. Wollstonecraft, however, died soon after the birth of their daughter (Mary Wollstonecraft Godwin), leaving Godwin to take care of the baby and Wollstonecraft's other daughter, Fanny. Though Godwin's later life was disaster ridden -- Mary eloped with Percy Bysshe Shelley at the age of seventeen, Fanny committed suicide, as did Shelley's first wife and later Shelley himself, and all three of Mary Shelley's children died in childhood -- he nevertheless maintained a steady productivity, publishing many political, historical, and fictional writings. Godwin died at the age of 77.

Role in the Conversation

Godwin's Political Justice is a response, though much less direct than many of his peers', to Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France. Additionally, it discusses -- and both agrees and disagrees with -- the ideas of Godwin's friend Thomas Paine. Though Godwin was equally, if not more radical than his associates, he was never accused of seditious libel or treason, as many of them were. This is mostly because of the high printing quality, and therefore cost of Godwin's works -- to put in simply, Godwin's works were not widely accessible and therefore not deemed as dangerous as the works of people such as Thomas Paine and John Horne Tooke.

Summary of Select Chapters in Politcal Justice

• Of National Characters

  In this chapter, Godwin discusses the higher classes in society, such as priests and aristocrats. He argues that when the majority of society is in favor of change, change will inevitably occur. If this is not the case, it is generally the fault of those who believe that change cannot or should not happen. Thus, "The real enemies of liberty in any country are not the people, but those higher orders who profit by a contrary system" (69).

• Of the Equality of Mankind and Rights of Man

  Godwin's views on the rights of man are slightly more egalitarian than his fellow radicals. He believes that all men, regardless of class, education, race, etc. have the same rights. The very poorest, in other words, should be treated in the exact same manner as the very richest. "If one man have a right to be free, another man cannot have a right to make him a slave; if one man have a right to inflict chastisement; if my neighbour have a right to a sum of money in my possession, I cannot have a right to retain it in my pocket" (111). Unlike some other radicals, Godwin also contends that kings and aristocrats should have the same rights as the people, and not be expected more from or given less.

• Mode of Effective Revolutions, Of Political Associations, and On the Species of Reform to Be Desired

  Here Godwin argues that the best method of revolution is through transmission of ideas, and not violence. Violence is never a good option for inciting change because when man resorts to violence, he abandons reason and truth. The French and American revolutions, however, are an exception to this rule, because they were founded on the ideals of the Enlightenment before their leaders were forced to resort to violence. In order to create a revolution based on ideas, Godwin writes that it is best to form political debating societies. In addition to allowing people to examine their ideas and weed out the bad ones, these societies bring man closer to one another (something even books cannot do) and hone the skill of arguing. Additionally, Godwin believes the government should allow these debating societies, in order to increase the education and happiness of man -- complete freedom of speech and press is necessary. After all, "Persecution cannot persuade the understanding, even when it subdues our resolution" (118).

• General Features of Democracy

  According to Godwin, "Democracy is a system of government according to which every member of society is considered a man and nothing more" (489). Though Godwin supports democracy, he begins this chapter by enumerating its faults. In democracy, it is very possible for ambitious but unwise men to rise to power. Additionally, democracy is inconstant and often unstable. However, Godwin argues that only three types of government -- aristocracy, monarchy, and democracy -- are possible. Democracy, therefore, is by far the best option (the previous two chapters discuss the other two systems). Godwin ends his chapter on democracy with optimism: "It is not reasonable to doubt that mankind, whether acting by themselves or their representatives, might in no long time be enabled to contemplate the subjects offered to their examination with calmness and true discernment, provided no positive obstacles were thrown in their way by the errors and imperfection of their political institutions" (467).

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