Summary

Part One
Part one of Rights of Man opens with a letter to George Washington, thus opening Paine's work with an acknowledgement that America is the example he looks to for a good government. Paine then begins the body of his work with a discussion and refutation of the principles set forth in Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France, calling Burke's attack unjustified, ignorant, and prejudiced. Paine most disputes Burke's belief the 1688 Glorious Revolution should dictate all future governmental politics in Britain. It is erroneous, argues Paine, to contend that the ancestors of a nation will be correct in their principles for all of eternity. This does not account for the change of circumstances or the character of a people. He writes that "It is in the nature of man to die, and he will continue to die as long as he continues to be born. But Mr. Burke has set up a sort of political Adam, in whom all posterity are bound for ever; he must therefore prove that this Adam possessed such a power, or such a right" (440).

Paine then argues with Burke's description of the French Revolution, calling Burke's interpretation poetic rather than factual and writing that "In the rhapsody of his imagination, he has discovered a world of wind-mills, and his sorrows are, that here are no Quixotes to attack them" (446). Opposing Burke's view of a vicious and vengeful revolution, Paine argues that the revolution was about abolishing monarchy (rather than a particular monarch) and that in order to implement such drastic change in a nation as large as France, the utilized means of revolution were absolutely necessary.

From his negation of Burke's conservatism, Paine goes on to suggest his own ideas about the rights of man. Paine first distinguishes between natural and civil rights: "natural rights being particular to the individual and civil rights those of a whole civilization that man cannot achieve without a coherent society" (462). The purpose of government (which Paine believes is a necessary evil) is to secure those civil rights. However, until the American and French revolutions, government was not successful in this purpose. It rather existed for the sole power of bringing power to the few people who instituted it.

Instead of existing to propagate power, Paine argues that governments should rather follow the principles of the French Revolution, which Paine lays out in the next section of his Rights of Man. These principles rest in equal representation and taxation, lack of aristocracy or monarchy, religious freedom, and "a rational order of things" (488). Paine then discusses the French Declaration of the Rights of Man, which set the condition for individual and national liberty, and are "declaratory of principles upon which laws shall be constructed conformable to rights already declared" (508).

In his conclusion, Paine writes that the reasonable, liberal governments set forth in the French and American revolutions are the way of the future. These governments establish the three most important rights of man: that man is born and continues to be free; that he has a right to liberty, property, security, and resistance of oppression, and that the nation is the source of all sovereignty. If nations follow these examples, the world will thrive, and all need for war will be abolished forever.

Part Two
The second part of Rights of Man begins with a discussion of Paine's views on government. According to Paine, government arises out of man's natural inclination toward society and collectivity. Although government hinders many of man's best instincts, Paine believes it is a necessary evil because it can counteract his vices and assure him his civil rights. However, in order to accomplish these benevolent purposes, government must be of a particular form. The tyrannical monarchy of Europe, which originated with violent and power-hungry men, cares little for the rights of its citizens and only concerned by creating more power for itself. New, republican systems of government, like those instituted in American and France, are much more benevolent and useful for people, because they use their power for the benefit of all society. These public governments are better than monarchies because they are able to rise above the short-comings of individual men, by embracing the principles of reason and equal representation.

Paine then argues that the best and most important trait of liberal governments is their clear and prominent constitutions. Unlike England, America not only has a constitution but also bases all further law-making on what is written in it and takes great pains to make sure that its contents are known to every citizen of the nation. Paine then proceeds to criticize the constitution (or lack thereof) in England by comparing the English to the American government. He concludes this chapter of his book by writing that "Government ought to be as much open to improvement as any thing which appertains to man, instead of which it has been monopolized from age to age, by the most ignorant and vicious of the human race" (595).

The second half of part two of Rights of Man is devoted to Paine's plan to completely reform the English system of taxation. He begins his argument by writing that the English taxes are too high and thus there is an surplus of tax funds. His proposal for fixing this problem is to decrease taxes for the lower classes of England and to increase public services. He argues that these two things will help to alleviate poverty by lessening tax burdens on England's future citizens. He argues that it is the responsible option for a government, which "does not consist in executions; but in making that provision for the instruction of youth, and the support of age, as to exclude, as much as possible, profligacy, from the one, and despair from the other" (604). Paine's proposals include creating funds for welfare, unemployment insurance, old age pensions, and funds for poor families upon marriage and the birth of children. Additionally, he proposes reforms for England's system of government. He suggests that England should engage more in economic alliances (specifically with France, America, and Holland) and less in political ones, it should guarantee freedom of religion, and it should engage in no more war. Characteristically, Paine concludes in an idealistic vein:

"When it shall be said in any country in the world, my poor are happy; neither ignorance nor distress is to be found among them; my jails are empty of prisoners, my streets of beggars; the aged are not in want, the taxes are not oppressive; the rational world is my friend, because I am the friend of its happiness: when these things can be said, then may that country boast its constitution and its government" (649).